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Revisited
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Introduction
The Cases
The Precedents
Initial Argument: 1952
The Arguments Against Segregation
The Arguments for Segregation
The 1952 Deliberations
Reargument: 1953
The Final Showdown: Marshall and Davis
The 1953 Deliberations
The Opinions: May 17, 1954
Transcripts
The complete transcript of all cases
Overview
The story behind the project
The Oyez Project
A complete audio archive for the Supreme Court of the United States
The 1952 Deliberations
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Detail from the courtroom. Credit: Dennis Glenn.
Narrator
As South Carolina's lawyer John W. Davis left the court following final arguments on Wednesday, December 11, 1952, he was overheard telling a colleague from Virginia, "I think we've got it won, five-to-four - or maybe six-to-three."
Davis was right about the court being split, but we'll never know how close he was to the actual count. The justices decided not to take an internal vote after the first round of arguments. Instead, they punted their decision to the following term. It was a strategic move that would change civil rights history.
In the years preceding Brown v. Board of Education, the court had become increasingly polarized. Chief Justice Fred Vinson's struggle to build consensus or unite the court didn't help.
John W. Davis with a colleague on the south plaza, United States Supreme Court.
Narrator
The nine white men gathered in their first-floor conference room on Saturday, December 13,1952, to deliberate
Brown v. Board
. The court's Saturday deliberations were private—not even clerks were allowed—and the only existing records came from the justices' incomplete notes, particularly those of Justices Harold Burton and Robert H. Jackson.
The conference room from the perspective of the Chief Justice’s chair.. Credit: Dennis Glenn.
Narrator
The court's process for deliberations followed a custom. The justices, wearing regular suits and not their robes, shook hands, sat with the Chief Justice at the head of the table, and spoke in descending order of seniority. On that day, after each Justice had said their piece, if someone had taken a straw poll, it might have broken down like this:
1952 portrait of the Supreme Court justices. Supreme Court of the United States.
Narrator
Four favored overturning segregation. Hugo Black was from Alabama, and he was outspoken in his commitment to racial equality, particularly after it came to light that he'd once been a member of the Ku Klux Klan - that was a mistake Black chalked up to political motives rather than ideological ones. Black would likely have been joined by Justices William Douglas, Harold Burton, and Sherman Minton, who each expressed varying degrees of clarity that segregation was not equality.
Narrator
Two justices—Chief Justice Fred Vinson and Stanley Reed, both Democrats from eastern Kentucky — were likely to have voted to uphold Plessy and allow school segregation.
The remaining three justices - Tom Clark, Robert H. Jackson, and Felix Frankfurter - were likely to overturn Plessy but felt the arguments failed to make the constitutional case for doing so.
Frankfurter had hired the court's first Black law clerk, yet even before the Brown v. Board cases came before the court, he was concerned about the Court overstepping its role. In a memo he drafted sometime in the summer of 1952, Frankfurter wrestled with his opinion:
Justice Felix Frankfurter
Recreated Voice
Only for those who have not the responsibility of decision is it easy to decide these cases.
Narrator
Frankfurter wrote that the Justices should not express their personal attitudes or individual convictions regarding equal rights.
Justice Felix Frankfurter
Recreated Voice
However passionately any of us may hold egalitarian views, however fiercely any of us may believe that such a policy of segregation undoubtedly expresses the tenacious conviction of the Southern States [is] both unjust and short-sighted, he travels outside his judicial authority if for this private reason alone he declares unconstitutional the policy of segregation.
Narrator
Frankfurter sought delay, and to achieve that, he wanted evidence: Did the framers of the 14th Amendment mean for the equal rights provision to apply to public schools?
Justice Felix Frankfurter
Recreated Voice
The outcome of the Civil War, as reflected in the Civil War Amendments, is that there is a single American society. Our colored citizens, like the other components which make up the American nation, are not to be denied the right to enjoy the distinctive qualities of their cultural paste. But neither are they to be denied the right to grow up with other Americans as part of our national life. And experience happily shows that contacts tend to mitigate antagonism and engender mutual respect.
Narrator
More than anything, Frankfurter thought the court needed more time and hoped to gain the support of the new Eisenhower administration. The justices agreed to hear the cases again at the start of the next term in October. In the summer, Vinson pushed the cases back to December.
To focus the rearguments, Frankfurter had his clerk draft a series of questions for the lawyers on both sides to address when they next appeared before the bench. In a memo he sent on May 27, 1953, he said the questions were designed not to tip the court's hand about which way it was leaning.
Justice Felix Frankfurter
Recreated Voice
These questions, I think, do not offend against the suggestion that we ought not to disclose our minds. Certainly, as an entirety, they look in opposite directions. Some give comfort to one side, and some to the other, and that is precisely the intention.
Narrator
Meanwhile, a pivotal event in dismantling segregation was one few could have predicted. In early September 1953, Chief Justice Fred Vinson had a heart attack and died in his sleep. It was the opening Frankfurter thought could shift the court. A life-long agnostic, Frankfurter told his former law clerk, Phil Elman, "This is the first solid piece of evidence that there is a God."
New York Times, p.1 (September 9, 1953).
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The Arguments for Segregation
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The Final Showdown: Marshall and Davis
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